UNITED STATES MISSION TO THE UNITED NATIONS MEMORANDUM OF CONVERSATION
October 29, 1952
SUBJECT: Afghanistan-Pakistan Relations
PARTICIPANTS: H.R.H. Prince Naim, Afghan Ambassador to U.S. H.E. Mohammed Kabir Khan Louddin, Chairman of Afghan Delegation to UN General Assembly;
The Secretary Mr. Plitt, US Delegation Mr. Whitman, US Delegation
COPIES TO: Mr. Ross In Department - S/S - 2 copies Mr. Taylor U Mr. Van Hollen G SYG NEA Reference SOA (6 extra for field dist. if desired)
Prince Naim and Mr. Louddin called at their request on the Secretary at 10:45 this morning.
Mr. Louddin referred to the conversation which he had had on October 23 with Mr. Plitt, and to the appointment which Ambassador Naim had had on October 24 with the Under Secretary. He then proceeded to read, with frequent verbal interpellations, a long statement, copy of which is attached hereto.
The statement opened with a reference to the recent Soviet demarche regarding petroleum exploration and exploitation in northern Afghanistan, and cited the view of the Afghan Government that the demarche was a "logical consequence" of the "strained relations" between Afghanistan and Pakistan, which had adversely affected political economic and social conditions in Afghanistan.
The statement then dealt at length with the historical origins and present status, by Afghan lights, of the Pashtoonistan dispute with Pakistan. It observed that the Soviet authorities, who were fully aware of their predicament, might "wish to exploit it realistically in a political sense." Thus, there existed a
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"critical situation" for Afghanistan, far reaching in its influence for peace and security in that part of the world. The Afghan economy was deteriorating, and the political situation resulting from the strained relations with Pakistan had resulted in dangerous restiveness and tension among the peoples of Afghanistan.
Expressing appreciation for the U.S. Export-Import Bank loan, the statement recounted the various measures of economic development which the Afghan Government has taken, including the petroleum project which has had to be stopped as a result of the Soviet note. The Afghan Government has "answered" that note, but is also "conscious of the risks" of such an answer to the Soviet Government.
The statement went on to declare that if the Pashtoonistan problem were solved, the whole region would enter upon a new era of harmonious cooperation "which would result in the joint economic development and prosperity." In that event, it said, "the whole region can be considered as one economic and security unit," increasing its political stability and assuring its security. With "farsighted statesmanship" on the part of responsible authorities of Pakistan, an unrestricted plebiscite might provide a solution, as demanded by Pakistan in the case of Kashmir.
In conclusion, the statement "respectfully requests the expression of an opinion by the friendly Government of the United States of America."
When the reading of the statement had been concluded, the Secretary inquired precisely what it was that we were being asked to express an opinion on. Prince Naim and Mr. Louddin expanded somewhat on the points made in the statement, and mentioned the great assistance rendered by the good offices of the United States in connection with the Helmand River problem with Iran. They also expressed appreciation for our earlier efforts at good offices with Pakistan, and said that Afghanistan had stood ready to accept them but Pakistan had refused. They now hoped that the United States would be able to suggest means by which the Pashtoonistan question could be solved.
The Secretary stated that their views would be carefully studied, and that he would be pleased to discuss the matter
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further with them after he had consulted his staff.
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It should be noted that in the statement and subsequent conversation, Mr. Louddin and the Ambassador did not go as far as Mr. Louddin did in his conversation with Messrs. Plitt, Witman and Fluker on October 23. (See TOP SECRET Memorandum of Conversation of that date.)
WWitman:gep
PAPER LEFT WITH THE SECRETARY BY MR. LOUDDIN, CHAIRMAN OF THE DELEGATION OF AFGHANISTAN, OCTOBER 29, 1952
Your Excellency is aware of the fact that sometime ago we received a note from the Government of the Soviet Union regarding our exploration for, and exploitation of, petroleum resources in the northern part of Afghanistan. In connection with this matter I had asked for an interview with Your Excellency. Your duties in the United Nations' General Assembly had caused your absence from Washington and I could not see you there. However, I had an interview with the Under-Secretary-of-State His Excellency Mr. Ernest Bruce. During that interview I explained to him the position of Afghanistan in this matter. I also explained to him the general social, economic, and political conditions in Afghanistan and the difficulties existing in our relations with Pakistan. We see the recent development taking place in our relations with our northern neighbor as the logical consequence of our strained relations with Pakistan. We consider the present issue the result of the predominant factor, i.e. our relations with Pakistan, which has adversely affected political, economic and social conditions in Afghanistan.
The central issue, the critical issue, in our external relations, at present, is not the question of petroleum development in the northern part of Afghanistan, which has incited the Soviet Union's note of protest. Although it may seem to be a separate problem, the cause of this recent difficulty lies also in our relations with Pakistan over the problem of Pushtoonistan.
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The question of Pushtoonistan has deep roots in the history of our relations with the British Government of India for more than a century. When the British Empire was taking the place of the Mogul Empire in India, the security-minded servants of the new Empire attempted to push over northward the frontiers of that Empire in order to prevent any invasion of India from the north. This expansionist philosophy of the Empire builders brought them into contact with the people of Afghanistan. The far-sighted and responsible people in Afghanistan, in the interest of their own security, wanted close and sincere friendly relations with the British. However, the policy makers of the Government of India in those days did not feel they could rely on friendly relations and close cooperation of other governments. They were not content with anything short of direct control and physical possession of other peoples' territories for the defense of the new empire. This attitude forced two unwarranted and useless major wars on the people of Afghanistan. The Empire builders, however, succeeded, after each war, in carving out large areas from the territories of Afghanistan and annexing them to the newly constituted Indian Empire. These annexations of Afghan territories caused irreparable damages to the Anglo-Afghan relationship, and provoked animosity, ill-feeling, and continuous suspicion between the British and the Afghans.
Thus a part of the Pushtoon people whose territory was claimed by the British became engaged in a ceaseless struggle to restore their freedom and independence. The people of the annexed territories who were living in the lower and defenseless plains were compelled, albeit under protest, to succumb to the British domination. The people who lived in the mountain footness, though nominally under British influence, by virtue of their favourable geographic position, succeeded in preserving freedom and independence even to the present day. The people of the plains, the so- called settled districts
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were in the forefront of those who strove for freedom and independence of India as a whole. This they did because they realized that their national freedom and independence could be acquired only in cooperation with others who had similar objectives. However, they never envisaged their territories of Pushtoonistan as an integral part of India once the struggle for independence has been won.
The official British point of view with regard to the legitimate hopes and aspirations of the Pushtoonistan people for their freedom and independence was influenced by the British colonial background. Even at this stage in history when the wrongs of a century or more could have been put to right by restoring the legitimate basic rights of the Pushtoon people to them, these officials failed to do so. Contrary to the will and hopes of the Pushtoon people, they and their territories were left by the British as an inheritance to Pakistan.
The question of the freedom and independence of Pushtoonistan has not been a new question which came into existence at the advent of Pakistan appearing as a nation on the international scene. This question always existed and was a part of the relations between Afghanistan and British India. The people of Pushtoonistan themselves had striven in the course of a century to recover and retain their independence and freedom. This question had always been the subject of discussion and negotiations between responsible quarters in Afghanistan and British India. The Government of Afghanistan because of the kinship, ethnic, linguistic, and cultural affinities existing between the Afghan people and the people of Pushtoonistan has always attempted to aid them in their efforts to achieve their goal of freedom and independence. Even recently during and after the second world war when a change in the political status of India was imminent the Government of Afghanistan had officially asked the Government of India and the Government of Great Britain, through authorized representatives of those governments, to give Afghanistan a clear assurance with regard to the freedom and independence of the people of Pushtoonistan when India became free and independent.
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When Pakistan appeared on the international scene as an heir to the fortune of the British colonial Empire, the movement for freedom and independence in Pushtoonistan took a different turn. The Pakistani officials tried forceful suppression of the Pushtoonistan movement for freedom and tried to compel the integration of Pushtoonistan into the Pakistan political system with total disregard of their separate identity. As a result of this action internal unrest and strife, grew amongst the Pashtoon people and the genuine sympathies of the Afghans for their Pushtoon brothers in their hour of hardship were aroused. The relations between Afghanistan and Pakistan began to take an undesirable course.
During the early days of Pakistan's establishment, good-will missions were exchanged between Afghanistan and Pakistan to solve this important question. The Government of Pakistan through the founder of that state, Mr. Mohammed Ali Jinnah, gave a solemn assurance to Afghanistan that the Pushtoon people would have a fair chance to express their will with regard to the determination of their destiny and future. Soon after, however, a breach of faith was committed by the responsible people in Pakistan and the Pushtoonistan people and the Pushtoonistan territories were arbitrarily declared an integral part of Pakistan. Nevertheless Afghanistan insisted on finding a peaceful solution to this important question and maintained one of its senior statesmen as Ambassador to Pakistan to explore all the possibilities for an amicable settlement at the highest possible political level. Unfortunately, all the persuasive efforts of the Afghan Embassy even for discussion of this problem failed to produce any response. After Pushtoonistan had been declared an integral part of Pakistan, the Pakistan Government made it clear that no further discussion was possible on this subject. The Afghan Government was compelled to recall its Ambassador.
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Even the early days of transfer of power to it, the Government of Pakistan resorted to repressive measures against the leaders of the Pushtoonistan peoples' independence movement. Large numbers of these leaders were put in jail at hard labour. In order to suppress the Pushtoonistan Independence movement effectively and completely, the government of Pakistan tried to prevent Afghanistan from giving moral support to the people of Pushtoonistan so that they may achieve their legitimate hopes and aspirations for freedom and independence. The Government of Pakistan has systematically and continuously applied economic pressure against Afghanistan. The Government of Pakistan has resorted to a vile subversive propaganda campaign aimed against the legally constituted Government of Afghanistan.
The officials of Pakistan have created innumerable obstacles and impediments in the way of our export and import trade. To give only one example, restrictive measures imposed on our exports have caused enormous losses in the export of perishable goods such as fresh and dried fruits which constitute one third of the value of our entire export trade. In the case of imports also delays were caused, sometimes months, by restrictive rules and regulations, promulgated by Pakistan authorities with the aim of harming Afghan trade. It is obvious that the restrictions imposed on petroleum products have been considered by Pakistani officials as an effective weapon with which great harm can be inflicted on Afghanistan. The major part of the transportation in Afghanistan is effected by means of lorries and trucks and it must be realized that any restriction on the flow of petroleum supply would damage the transportation of commodities and supplies and hence the entire population.
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It is quite natural that when we have experience economic pressure and hardship in the south we should seek relief in other quarters. Over the past five years our volume of trade with our northern neighbor has been expanded. For example: as we receive less petroleum from Pakistan we tried to acquire more of it from the Soviet Union.
The Soviet Authorities obviously are fully aware of our predicament, and they may wish to exploit it realistically in a political sense. It is neither wise on the part of Pakistan nor is it to the interest of stability and security and peace in that part of the world for such a situation to continue.
This is really a critical situation for Afghanistan and far reaching in its influence for peace and security of that part of the world.
Afghanistan has reached a critical stage in the course of her history today. Economic conditions in the country are extremely difficult and agricultural and other products of the country are far below the minimum requirements of the people. The exports of the country which are entirely based on animal husbandry have diminished in quality and especially in value. The country has suffered great losses in her foreign trade in the last five years because of the harmful activities of the Government of Pakistan. The balance of trade is becoming progressively unfavourable to Afghanistan every year. As a result, Afghanistan cannot buy machinery, equipment, iron and steel and other materials needed
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for its economic development. Even some urgently needed commodities that must be imported into the country and are in the nature of necessities rather than luxuries in that they are needed by everyone, such items as cloth, sugar, tea and medicines, can be obtained at comparatively high price levels abroad.
Due to low level of production at home and high prices of commodities abroad there is a continual rise in prices of basic commodities from year to year and from month to month. The average price of the basic commodities since before World War II has risen almost ten fold. The increase in wages and salaries has not kept pace with these inflationary prices. These economic conditions coupled with the political situation as regards existing strained relations with Pakistan have created a degree of restiveness and emotional and psychological tension amongst the peoples of Afghanistan, the far reaching results of which can hardly be exaggerated.
It is within the economic and political power of the Government of Afghanistan to eliminate some of the causes of these economic hardships; not all of them. The Government of Afghanistan has tried continuously to adopt measures that would ameliorate the difficult economic conditions and raise the standard of living of the people. Our Government initiated an economic development program before World War II, the objectives of which were improvement of agriculture in the northern part of the country and installation of some industries for processing agricultural products like manufacturing textiles and sugar. World War II interfered with the completion of our development programs there. However we were able to complete a textile and a sugar mill in that province. Those factories helped us considerably during World War II.
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Immediately after the war a number of dry years succeeded one another and caused partial failure of crops. For a country which depends for its livelihood on agriculture and animal husbandry droughts which cause the losses of agricultural products are major catastrophes.
It must be added that the population of Afghanistan like that of the rest of the world has been increasing.
The basic needs of the people in the field of education, health and services have multiplied. The Government of Afghanistan has recognized these needs and has been keenly appreciative of those difficult economic conditions.
Immediately after the war as soon as the conditions would permit our Government inaugurated a development program and in that program first priority was given to the measure of water conservation and land reclamation. This program was first started in the southwest part of the country in the Helmand and Argandab river valleys. This development program is unique in our country and no doubt will have far reaching effects on our economic system. Two large storage dams for irrigation which will enable us to generate hydro-electric power as well, are being completed on the Helmand and Argandab rivers. The large irrigation canal, namely ______, will provide water for a well integrated irrigation system. This system will be one of five or six large irrigation systems to be provided in the whole of the Helmand River valley.
The capital provided through the loan of Export Import Bank helped our Government to realize a part of its developmental plan in the field of irrigation in the southwest of Afghanistan. We feel happy to express to Your Excellency our warm thanks for your statesman-like effort in assisting us to obtain that loan from
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the Export Import Bank of Washington. We feel that the investment is sound in more ways than one.
In the Kabul river valley our Government is engaged in the construction of a hydro-electric plant that will be completed soon and will provide power for textile mills in and around Kabul. Our Government has plans for exploitation and development of mineral resources, improvement of roads, and transportation. As the most important factor in assisting the development of our resources, a factor which would help solve many of our economic difficulties - the exploitation of petroleum has been carefully studied. This project was to be carried out under the auspices of the United Nations Technical Assistance and with the help of private experts recommended to us by that agency. It is in this connection that we have received a note from the Government of the Soviet Union which in effect requires the cessation of our efforts in the exploration and exploitation of petroleum through the Technical Assistance. Our Government, consistent with the preservation of our independence and in accordance with the principle of the sovereignty of Afghanistan over the whole of its territory, has answered that note. But our Government also is conscious of the risks which we run by having given this answer to the Soviet Government.
Due to continued economic pressure and subversive propaganda maintained by Pakistan all the efforts of the Government of Afghanistan outlined above to develop its national resources, in order to ameliorate living conditions of its people, have not produced the desired results. If the question of Pushtoonistan is not solved, the relations between Afghanistan and Pakistan will remain strained, and the social, economic, and political stability of this part of the world will be seriously endangered. It is because of this that we want once more to attract a sympathetic and statesman-like attention of your Excellency to this matter.
If the problem of Pushtoonistan is solved and the cause of political tension
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and discord between Afghanistan and Pakistan is eliminated we are confident that the whole region will enter upon a new era of harmonious cooperation which will result in the joint economic development and prosperity of the peoples in that region.
In that event the whole region can be considered as one economic and security unit. All economic barriers will be removed and the economic resources of the whole region will be developed in the most efficient manner. Such a policy will enlarge the markets and provide gainful employment for the people. The social and political stability of the whole region will be tremendously increased and its security will be more assured.
Any help and assistance given in that region as a whole will be greatly effective and extremely efficient. One can easily envisage the picture of a united people, a happier and more prosperous people living under conditions of peace and harmony.
One is obviously moved to see a very attractive picture indeed of the greater prospects awaiting the people of this region after the solution of the problem of Pushtoonistan.
The solution of this problem is very easy indeed if far sighted statesmanship would be exercised by the responsible authorities of Pakistan. Why not indeed submit the problem, which determines the life and destiny of the people of Pushtoonistan, to an unrestricted expression of their own will? This is after all a formula that is so urgently demanded by the Government of Pakistan for the solution of the Kashmir question.
With the above statement the Government of Afghanistan respectfully requests the expression of an opinion on this question by the friendly Government of the United States of America.